X 



^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




HoUinger Corp. 




AN ORATION 



DELIVEHED BEFORE TUE 



FEBRUAUr 22(1, 1835. 



KOBEUT WSCXLlf FE, Jr. 
— fH — r j ^ ^ 



-e^, 



N. L. FINNELL, PR. OBSERVER AND REPORTER OFFICE. 



1335. 






Lexinotox, Makch 3, 1835 
SiR-We have been instructed by the Transylvania Whi. Society 
to rPq„«st of yo.. a copy of the very eloquent and appropr.at ^dd e '' 
which you delivered before them on the 22d ultimo. ^^^'^^s, 

We are with great respect, yours &c. 
L. W. SEELEY ) 
W. CORNW\T,L, icom T TT ^ 
GEO TRorTER. S ^' ^• 

R. WicKLiFFE, Jr. Esq. 



Lexington, IVTarch, 5, 1835. 
G.™mk.-I cemply with the request contained in your note of 
the 3d iDBt., and remain with great respect, your., 

Me«r«.L.W.S.e.Kv, . i^- WICKLIFFE, Jr. 



ORATIOxir, &c. 



THE history of our country is f.ll of instruction and ex- 
ample. It derives no borrowed charms from fiction or from 
poetry. It does not descend to us by tradition; neither is it in- 
volved in contradiction and absurdity. It is sober, dignified, 
and impartial truth. It abounds with noble examples of self 
sacrifice and self devotion. It records the most important and 
most wonderful events that have ever graced the annals of 
mankind. Every page of it is a living proof of the power of 
truth, of the power of justice, and of the power of principle. 
Every page of it attests a fact which all history clearly demon- 
strates: that a free people never, never can be conquered. 
Untoward circumstances may depress their spirits and thwart 
their attempts at national independence. Their elForts may 
meet with open opposition and with secret treachery. They 
may be harassed at once, both with foreign and with civil 
wars. But still, in the bosom of a people resolved to be free, 
there is a spirit which will carry them successfully through all 
their struggles. Defeat but arouses to new exertions. The 
flame may be confined but cannot be extinguished. From the 
mountains and the valleys, from the forests and the fastnesses, 
from the regions of snow and the deserts of sand, the people 
will burst forth in one continued overwhelming torrent, which 
nothing can resist, which nothing can retard. 

No assembly ever met for more important purposes, or was 
composed of more able and patriotic men, than the convention 
which framed the Federal constitution. The articles of con- 
federation had been found inadequate to th<» purposes for 
which they were designed. A stricter bond of union, and 
greater energy in the administration of affairs, were requisite 
to preserve peace and order at home, and secure respect and 
safety from abroad. The undertaking was a novel one. The 
republics, both of ancient and modern times, had either ori- 
ginally been built on grounds too fallacious, orhad in the course 
of time, become too corrupt and degenerate, to afford any 
light as precedents. They directed what paths should be a- 
voided, but did not point out those which ought to be pursued. 
They served only as beacons, which enable the mariner to 
shun the rocks and shoals and narrow places, but do not inform 
him in what direction the current lies, or how he may reach, m 



the shortest time, the wished-for harboll There had never 
existed a pure confederation. The Swiss Cantons ^vere more 
alliances. The Achanin league, and the Am()h3ctvonic coun- 
cil hud but imitcd powers, and were rather meetings of am- 
bassadors than h'gisl.itive assenibhee. The Germanic k^ague 
was bO ill defined, aud so intricate, that little infoimation could 
be derived from tliat quarter. To distribute the dit!erent de- 
partments ol government in such a manner that the laws sliould 
be executed and justice administered — to assign to the general 
aiid state governnicnls their respective spheres of motion and 
of action — to reconcile the dilfeient interests that must neces- 
sarily spring up in ditrcrent sections of the country — to give 
suificient strength and energy to the Goveriimcnt, without a- 
larmingthe peo|/le, at that lime exceedingly jealous of their 
rights, with the loss of their liberties — to prevent the tumults 
incident to unwieldy popular assemblies — in one word, to se- 
cure ""liberty, peace, the general welfare, and the common de- 
fence" — these were some of the objects which the convention 
had to accomplish, and from the magnitude of which we may 
form an estimate of the difikulties which they had to encounter. 
Ttie occasion called for wisdom and patriotism, moderation and 
liberality. It did not admit of narrow vie^^s or sectional prej- 
udices. But gr-eat as was the task to be completed, there 
were men ah e and willing to undertake it. The revolution 
had called forth the talents and given vtisdom to the nation. 
Men who had grown up in the camp, and wh'/se whole life had 
been spent in war, were now seen foremost in the senate and 
the council chamber. There were Jefferson and Adams, the 
one the author of the Declaration of Independence, and tlie 
other its ablest defender upon the floor of Congress. Both of 
these men were successively Presidents of the United States, 
and each of them was at the head of a numerous party, con- 
t(;ndii'g for the higliest office, and of each of them may we tru- 
1\ s:\y,fetix noiivitce tanlum claritate scd iticm cpporhmilate mor- 
ih. For on that very day, which had linked fast forever their 
fame with their count r-y's independence, they both bowed down 
their aged heads, ai.d the heavens opened to receive them both 
at once. 'J'here was Hamilton also, young in years but old in 
mind, born a statesman ard bred a scholar, more successful in 
life, than fortunate in his death, 

A combination and a form indeed, 
Whore every God did seem to P^t his seal 
To give the world asburance of a man. 

But above all there was Washington, the President of this au- 



gust assembly of sages. It would be pleasing to relate his vir- 
tues and recount his deeds. It would be pleasing to exhibit 
hirii in prosperity and adversity, the same prudent and un- 
changing friend of liberty. I might with pride compare his 
character and his exploits, with tliose of other heroes, and ex- 
ult in his confessed superiority. In his virtues and his talents, 
in his successes and reverses, I might shew )ou the linger of 
Providence pointing out the road to national independence. It 
would be thrilling to walk in imagination over the tieidsof bat- 
tle where the chosen ones of the land have fought ard fallen. 
It would be thrilling to picture the midnight deliberations of 
the war council, or the solemn debates of a despondir.g, yet 
not despairing Congress. But all tins has been done before 
me. Tlie ta e of our woes, and the story of our wrongs, have 
so often and so eloquently been toid, that it would now be use- 
less to repeat them. But since this union was in a great degree 
the result of Washington's exertions and was always the dar- 
ling object of hisatfections, it may not be improper on this oc- 
casion, to indulge a few reflections on its pi oh'cihle permanence 
and durabilUij. 

At the time of the" adoption of the constitution, great dan- 
ger to the union was apprehended from the legislative depart-- 
meat. The people were alarmed at the aristocracy which was 
being established in the country. History was cited topiove 
that legislators had always been tyrants, and under pretence of 
establishing, had secretly undermined the liberties of their fel- 
low citizens. The executive department, however, commen- 
cing with small beginnings, has at length reached such a height, 
that it threatens to swallow up all the other branches of gov- 
ernment. The immense patronage placed in its hands, has 
been perverted from the purposes for which it was designed. 
In this respect, there is a great difference between the English 
and the American constitution. In England, the House of 
Commons, originally an insignificant and useless assembly, has 
gradually gained upon the King and Nobles, until it is now su- 
preme and sovereign. In the United States, on the contrary, 
the Legisldture has with dithculty maintained its original im- 
portance. Unless, therefore, some restraint can be found that 
Avill check the progress of executive power, the consolidation 
of the states will be the ruin of our liberties, if not the de- 
struction of the Union. 

The Constitution then, has wisely provided that tl.e Presi- 
dent shall be elected for the space of oidy four}ears, and the 
father of his country haw set the example, which none of his 
successors have yet dared, if they desired to disregard, of serv- 



ing only two terms. The President has hoi the power to stop the 
course of public affairs. He is obliged to execute the laws 
which others have passed, and has the power to forbid, but not 
to enact, fie is liable to impeachment by the House and tri- 
al by the Senate; his abuses and mismanagement are continu- 
ally exposed to the public eye, and the people, by their ballots, 
have tiie power to correct the one, and prevent the other. 
And as Machiavel says, the people dispose of offices and em- 
ployments with greater prudence and j dgmenl than princes. 
For the people are determined in their choice, either by the 
eminent virtue, abilities, and character of a man, or by some 
particular prepossession and opinion of their own. Where a 
man has given proofs of his merit, they may repose confidence 
in him with some degree of safety. If, however, they are de- 
ceived by report, or by the actions and reputation of a man, 
and take him to be better than he really is, any citizen has the 
right to publish his incapacity and demerits, and they can 
then perceive their mistake, and correct their error. And 
although the people may mistake in general points, they 
very seldom err in particulars. "When the Plebeians had be- 
come weary of the consuls, and were determined to have some 
share in their election, they demanded that these officers 
should he chosen from their own body, as well as from that of 
the patricians. A compromise, however, was effected, and it 
was agreed that the Consular power should be destroyed, and 
in its place, four tribunes should be elected indiscriminately 
from the nobles and the commons. Yet, when the election 
came on, and the Plebeians had it in their power to elect all 
the tribunes from their own number, they chose them all out of 
the nobility. From this piece of history we may learn, that 
the people will contend, with the utmost ardor for their rights, 
and yet exercise them with discretion and judgment when ob- 
tained. And Livy, from whom we make the extract, 
very jvstly cries out in admiration, '-'Hanc modestiam hanc 
cequitatem ahitudinemque animi, ubi nunc in uno invenevis qua 
tnneuniversi pnpuli fuii. At the present time there is a rest- 
lessness under restraint, and a disregard of the laws, which 
shew the tendency of the age to be rather towards anarchy than 
despotism. The political doctrines which are daily advanced 
and maintained by numbers, prove that the people are disposed 
rather to reclaim some of the powers which they granted to 
the general government, than to yield any of tliose which they 
reserved. We consider ourselves as citizens of this state or 
of that state, rather than as citizens of the United States. Of 
this there are so many instances in our history, that an allu- 



sion to them would neither be agreeable nor reflect any credit 
upon us. On which side then does the balance turn? in one 
scale is executive power and executive patronage. In the 
other, 1 throw the great principles of the constitution, the in- 
telligence of the people, the memory and the customs of our 
fathers, the universal diffusion of knowledge, the strongly 
marked spirit of the age, and that love of liberty so deeply 
stamped upon the human heart, that it constitutes as essen- 
tial a part of our nature, as the soul does that of our existence. 

History records in letters of blood, the sufferings of those 
nations whose liberties have been at the mercy of a neighbor- 
ing potentate, or who themselves have been trodden in the dust 
by a victorious enemy. Philip undermined the liberties of 
Greece by his spies and emissaries, and by playing against them 
those batteries which he had erected with such infinite skill 
and secrecy. The Czarina of Russia purcliased immense estates 
in Poland, at the same time professing great attachment to the 
interests of that country. But when she threw off tlie veil 
which disguised her intentions, the blood of Kosciusko and his 
trusty warriors flowed in vain. Poland was dismembered and 
blotted out from the map of nations, 

Found not a generous friend, a pitying foe, 
Strength in lier arms, or mercy in her woe, 
Dropped from her nerveless grasp, the shattered epear, 
Closed her bright eye, and curbed her high career. 

As soon as William the conquerer had grasped in his hand 
the English sceptre, he scourged his subjects with a rod of 
iron. Hungry sets of foreign adventurers were invited over, 
and honors, and dignities, and riches, were shoM'^ered upon 
them without any regard to the circumstances of the King or 
the condition of his subjects. The English Constitution and 
the English laws were daily violated and held in contempt. 
Insult was added to insult, and injury to injury. But we are 
free from foreign influence, and secure from foreign invasion. 
The broad Atlantic rolls between us and Europe. No insulting 
foe can wrest from us our liberties; no victorious general can 
trample upon our constitution. Even when Napoleon was at 
the height of his power — when his immer>fee and well disciplin- 
ed armies were dreaded equally in the plains of the Delta and 
the frozen regions of the north— when all Europe shook as if 
rent with an earthquake, we looked calmly on the gathering 
tempest, and were not borne down by the whirlwind. Clotiied 
in the adamantine armour of strict neutrality, our ships flocked 
into every port and the sails of our commerce whitened upon 
every sea. 



Admitting however, lliat the union will not be destroyed by 
a foreign enemy, there are not wanting persons who warn us of 
the moral certainty, and the dreadful consequences of civil 
commotions. Every government is exposed to seditions, 
tumjits, aad discoiitents; but no maxim in politics is more 
certain or more easily proved than this, that a republic 
is more exempted from them than a monarchy. He that draws 
his sword against a prince must throw away the scabbard. He 
mast either conquer or perish. There is no choice between 
victory a;id submission. In monarchies the bloodiest wars have 
been undertaken to establish personal titles — to satiate the 
ambition or the revenge of a sovereign — lo gratify the whim or 
resentment of some favorite or mistress — or to settle the diffi- 
culties between a usurping king and his rebellious barons. 
France prolonged her dissensions because Henry the fourth 
was the twenty-third cousin of Henry the third; in after times 
they were renewed and the kingdom was blasted by the passions 
of Maz irin. Germany was long distracted by the Peasant's zvar, 
the thirty years'' roar, the war of the succession^ the war of the 
pragin.iiic s.inction, and many other wars, whose names are as 
uncouth as they themselves w^ere bloody.* No king, certainly 
no weak king of England, how gentle and innocent soever he 
may have been, ever failed to be harassed with rebellion and 
civil commotions. Men of unquiet spirits and aspiring ambi- 
tion, were forever exciting intestine dissensions, and tearing the 
bowels of their native country. No sooner does William the 
conqueror die than the kingdom is rent in pieces by his three 
sons contending for the throne. Then follow the civil wars be- 
tween S'^ephen and Henry the second, and the rebellion of the 
g)'eat barons against John and Henry the third. Bolingbroke 
deposes Richard the second, and his throne already tottertng, is 
siiaken by the combined elforts of Percy and Northumberland. 
For nearly fifty years the nation is agitated by the bloody feuds 
between the two roses, and no sooner do the people acquiesce 
in the established government than Richard the third, — mon- 
sirum nulla virtnte redtmptum — aims at the crown, and wades lo 
the throne through the blood of his brother, his sovereign and 
all,his relations that stood between him and the object of his 
ambition. The reign of Henry the eighth was bloody, that of 
Mary, furious. In 164^2, the King and parliament, names so 
sacred in the English Constitution, were placed in opposition 
to each other; the civil wars commenced and did not terminate 
until the King was tried and executed, and Cromwell had pla- 
ced upon his brow that crown which he had plucked from the 

* Mr. Everett's oration at Cambridge, 1826. 



9 

head of the unfortunate Charles the first. In later times, when 
the house of Brunswick is seated u[)on the throne, seditious li- 
bels and rebellious m mifestoes are published, — the pretender 
proclaimid King of England, surrounded by the most brave 
and devoted adherents, and supported by all the zeal and bigot- 
ry of those who preserved undiminished, their attacliment to 
the house of Stuart. Yet all these wars have taken place in 
England — England the freest and most perfect monarchy that 
ever existed. In popular governments, however, dissensions 
seldom arise from malice, and are always quelled with little 
difticulty. Menenius Agrippa appeased one of the most des- 
perate tumults that ever took place in Rome, by relating the 
fable of the members murmuring and threatening to rebel a- 
gainst the belly. From the death of Tarquin down to the 
days of the Gracchi, the seditions seldom caused the exile, aiid 
still more rarely the death of any citizen. They who blame 
the tumults of Rome, blame the very thing which made her a 
great and free city. They blame the very thing which estab- 
lished public liberty a'ld improved the constitution— which 
brought about the institution of the tribunes, and placed the 
power of the government in the hands of the people; and the 
people, says Tully, although ignorant, will always listen to 
the truth, when it is told them by a man worthy of belief. 
For my part, I apprehend no danger to our confederacy from 
the discontent and dissatisfaction wiiicii have recently prevail- 
ed, and which perhaps, still prevail in certain sections of t!ie 
union. They have called forth the talents and settled the 
doubtful points in the constitution of our country. One part 
of the people, by threatening the safety of our institutions, 
has made the rest cling to them with increased atfection. 
The first attack that was made upon the constitution, roused 
the slumbering champions of the Unioii. They rusiied to the 
onset, and repaired the breach. The spirit of disunion disap- 
peared like a morning mist before the rising God of day. The 
sun of nullification set, we trust never again to rise. 

But party! party! the spirit of party has been the ruin of 
other republics and will be the ruin of ours. "Factions," 
says one of the most ingenious authors of modern times, "arc 
plants which grow most plentifully in the richest soil, and 
though absolute governments be not wholly free from them, 
it must b^ confessed that they rise more easily and propagate 
themselves faster in free governments, where they infect the 
legislatiire itself."* It is doubtless true th;)t where ttie gov- 
ernment is perfectly free, and where there is great frequency 

^ Hume. 



10 

in the election of magistrates, the people will always be divi- 
ded into parties and be prone to cherish a continual spirit of 
opposition and resentment. History indeed instructs us that 
smaller republics have been the nurseries of faction. In them 
a private quarrel becomes an affair of state. The contests 
between the Guelphs and Ghibbelines, which destracted Eu- 
rooe for ages, and the unhappy consequences of which, to his 
ovvn country, the historian of Florence so pathetically laments 
—which maJe that city war with itself, and as each faction al- 
t-^rnately prevailed, banish her wisest and noblest citizens, took 
their origin from a trifling quarrel between two relations. For 
the inveterate factions of Neri and Bianchi, Italy was indebt- 
ed to a private tlisagreement between two young men of a no- 
ble family.* The citizens of Pistoia espoused either tUe one 
pnrty or the other. The contagion spread to Florence, where 
the quarrel received fresh vigor, and became tinctured with 
political enmity. But the least reflection will convince us that 
there are many peculiar circumstances in the situation of our 
coutitrvs which shew that although the people will always be 
divided into parties, yet that the rancor and evil effects of fac- 
tion will not continue to be felt so long in this country, as they 
Ivive in the republics both of ancient and modern times. In 
this country^ personal factions can never take root. We have 
no aristocracy-, and there are no families of sufticient wealth 
and iiitliience to engage any considerable portion of the people 
in their private feuds and quat^rels. The country is too exten- 
sive, the interests of the people too diversified, and their af- 
fections too little concentrated, ever to induce them to sacri* 
fic-^ their peace and quiet to family dissensions or personal ani- 
mosities. We are told by Livyt that although there was a 
c'inten'ion between two Roman tribes, which lasted nearly 
three Ii'J'ilred years, yet that it ditl not spread itself or take 
any of th? oth-^r tril)es into the quarrel. It received no ali- 
ment frxn 'he ind'tTcrence of the rest of the community, but 
Wis ii'^^erod to continue within the narrow limits where it first 
coTsme'ced. Wn l.'ave no King, no nobles and no commons, 
aad consequently cannot have any contests between these dis- 
tinct orders of m-^n. The adherents of a reigning prince, will 
bo r^e «(^iier'"*'t« of bis successor. Tfie partisans of a dethron- 
ed m'>'i:"-ch, wi*# bo the pf.rtisnns of his heir. It was this• 
tr:i'>s^v,us•on of aiu efion from father to son, which made the 
b 'Si bb'iJ of Ki:i;la!id stream in the ^iA6 and on the scaffold, 
^•jT'it- the w.i's l.ot.veen the houses of York and Lancaster, 
anl which, in ^I'te;- times induced the Jacobin adherents of the 



^.Uuc. I=t. I'ior. lib. 11. f T. Livii lib, S, 



bouse of Stuart, to attempt the restoration of that fallen fam- 
ily to the throne of their fathers. In Annerica, parties arise 
mostly from principle. If any arise from affection they are 
of short continuance. They \vill. cease as soon as the object 
of them gives up office and. retires into j.iivatc life. The ge- 
nius of our people, the spirit of our governmci.t are utterly re- 
pugnant to those protracted feuds which, set on foot by sonic 
trifling circumstance, continue from generation to generation, 
and sacrifice the essential liberties of the people to the gratifi- 
cation of private revenge, or family animosity. In the couisc 
of our history we have had many parties, and those very vio- 
lent ones. There were parties before and at the time of the 
adoption of the Constitution. There were opponents as well 
us friends, of the first administration. What epithet so base 
that was not beetowed; what calumny so vile that was not cir* 
culated to scandalize him who has long since received the title 
of Father of his country? What man without having re- 
course to the journals of the day, can imagine the things that 
were said, or rather the things that were not said of John Ad- 
ams, his friend and successor? In 1801 the country was sup- 
posed to be on the brink of ruin. Again during the late war, 
the excitement was just as great. Men suspected and accused 
and vilified each other. But these things are but the things 
of the day. They did not then and never will produce any 
permanent effect upon the character, the feelings and the des- 
tinies of this nation. The suspicion^, jealousy and hatred of 
hy-gone times are suffered to remain undisturbed in musiy 
pamphlets and forgotten journals. We treasure up the virtues 
and the deeds of our ancestors, and leave the slanders of their 
enemies to sink into deserved oblivion. Party succeeds to par- 
ty; but like the two ends of the Roman stylus, one wipes oft" 
the impression which the other has made. And all of them, 
like so many land marks placed upon the sandy beach, will be 
broken down and covered over by the successive billows which 
roll in from the ocean of time. 

They, I am inclined to think arc mistaken, who assert with 
Bolingbroke, that a man ought at all times to be a decided par- 
tisan, because he should always make the interests of his party, 
the interests of his country. To one however, reflecting on 
this subject there are many reasons, but certainly not an abso- 
lute necessity for being a partisan in the United states. If a 
man wishes to rise in public life, he should identify himself 
with some party, so that his interests may, apparently at least. 
depend upon the success of its principles. He thus acquires a 
character for fVankness and decision, and =ornrp^ the ranfi- 



1« 

dence of a part, than gh not of the whole community. He 
makes warm enemies, but still warmer friends. Besides, it is 
natural lo look ui)on those who espouse neither the one side 
nor the other, witli distrust and suspicion. It is natural to sus- 
pect that in their anxiety to offend none, they have a greater 
regard for themselves than for their country, and are willing 
to sacriticc iheir principles to their popularity. But he who 
possesses true independence of character, and is guided by an 
enlightened sense of public duty, will never be the follower, 
atid seldom the leader of a party. It is true that a man of this 
kind is not always placed in ofhcc; but if he does not obtain the 
sutfr-iges, he at least commands the respect of tlie people. 
Even in times of high public excitement, when the landmarks 
of justice are broken down, and one outrage fallows another, 
like flashes of lightning, in rapid succession, he may be hated, 
"but can never be despised. If he should fall, he will fall a- 
midst the mingled regrets and blessings of a nation, of which 
his genius had been the wonder, and might have been the sal- 
vation. They who advise us to lock ourselves to the wheels of 
a party, and be dragged wherever a reckless charioteer may 
drive us, are too apt to mistake interest for principle, power 
for esteem, and fame for character. In common times, party 
men do well enough. The people will listen to those who flat- 
ter and delude them. But when an emergency comes; when 
the high roads arc broken up and the waters down; when they 
taste of the bitterest fruit which experience can bring — the 
consciousness of their own delusion; it is then that they close 
their ears to the representations of interested partisans; it is 
then that they recur to the principles of right and wrong, and 
look up to those wise and good men, who are willing to be 
their servants, but will never'consent to be their slaves. 

Indeed none of the advantages which the union secures is 
more certain or more valuable than its tendency to prevent 
the existence, and restrain the violence of faction. The latent 
seeds of faction, every one knows, arc sown in the human 
breast. They have taken root in every age, and shot forth in 
every country. They can be removed only by destroying liber- 
ty, wliich nourishes and supports them; or by giving to all men, 
the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests. 
The former method would be unwise, and destructive of our 
civil rights; and the latter, vain and impracticable. But al- 
though the causes of faction cannot be removed, its ellccts may 
he controlled. If it is formed by a minority of the people, the 
republican principle of voting will enable the majority to pre- 
vent any sinister views or dangerous plots that may be laid a- 



13 

gainst the state. If it is formed by a mojority — to secure tht 
public good, and to preserve both the form and spirit of the 
government against its effects — is the £;reat desideratum which 
alone can rescue repubhcs from odium and reproach, and re- 
commend them to the conrtdence and esteem of mankind. 
Here then, is the great superiority of a repubUc over a de- 
mocracy. In a democracy the number of citizens is small, the 
extent of country limited. The majority of the people may 
frecjuently have the same views, the same interests, and the 
same passions. By their number and local opportunity, they 
can carry into effect any schemes of oppression which they 
may form. The impulse coinciding with the opportunity, 
there is no cure for the mischief of faction, and no remedy for 
the diseases of the state. Hence arise spectacles of violence: 
and anarchy; hence spring scenes of confusion, terror, and 
dismay. Hence the sudden and bloody revolutions that we 
read of in the petty republics of Greece and Italy. Hence 
those furious storms which seldom preceded even by a forebo- 
ding calm, and which, fatal as the wild Siroco, lay waste whole 
tracts of country, and leave not a wreck behind. Hence that 
deep gloom which overcasts so many dark pages of history, 
from which, if any momentary rays shoot forth, they dazzle us 
only with a fleeting brilliancy, and by their very appearance, 
make the night which succeeds still more black and starless. 
In a republic, on the contrary, the citizens are more numerous, 
the country more extensive, and the supreme power is delega- 
ted to a few wise men, selected from the body of the people. 
The representative is chosen from such a mass of citizens that 
there is a smaller held for corruption and bribery, than in a de- 
mocracy. There is such a variety of interests, and such a va- 
riety of parties, that is impossible for any one interest, or any 
one party to encompass and overwhelm the rest. The flame 
of faction may kindle in one state, but there is little danger 
that it will burst into a general conflagration. A religious sect, 
or secret society, may degenerate into a political cabal; but 
there is such a variety of sects, and such a multitude of parties 
that the malady may taint a particular state, ai)d yet, never 
once pervade the rest of the country. These views are sup- 
ported, not only by reason, but by the authority of one of the 
most philosophical of modern authors — an author who, though 
he lived in the bosom of a monarchy, yet wrote in the genuine 
spirit of freedom. He describes to us with equal foice and 
justice a Confederate Republic which should combine all tlic in- 
ternal advantages of a republic, and all the external force ol 
a monarchy: — a constitution where several smaller states agrc 



14 

to forra a large one— where corruption,\isiT.rpation, andall matv 
iicr of inconveniences axe prevented — where abuscsy that 
creep into one part are reformed by those that remain sound — 
where t!ic state may be dcstro^'ed on one side and not on the 
other, and the confederacy dissolved asd yet the eonfederates 
still preserve their sovereignty.* Endless indeed, are the passa- 
ges which might be quoted from the Spirit of Laws, in favor of 
a republic and against the mistipplications which have been 
made of some other parts of the same invaluable work. Mon- 
tesquieu was too well acquainted with the despotism of his 
own country, and the incessant revolutions and never ending 
factions, both of the ancient and modern republics, not to ad- 
mire a government, and extol a constitution, uhdter which "pat- 
riotism- might find repose, and philanthropy refreshment." 

It was foreseen by the framers of the constitution, that collis- 
ions would arise between the Federal and state governments, 
which would reqaire the establishment of an independent 
branch of government, able and willing to execute the lawsv. 
I shall not go into any argument to prov^ that the power of de- 
ciding the constitutionality of law?,,i6 vested in the judiciary of 
the Uaited States. A large majority, bo^ of the people and of 
Congress, have always been of that opinion. The judges are 
a check upon the legislature. They cannot be destroyed by 
Congress? We have a tribunal from whose decisions there is 
no appeal, and whose judges, swayed neither by hope or fear, 
passion or prejudice, and who, assiduously employed in the dis. 
charge of their duties, administer justice between man and 
man, and preserve equally, undiminished, the rights of the 
citizen and the authority of the law. Such a tribunal gives to 
the government, energy at home and dignity abroad. The poor- 
est man can arraign a proud and sovereign state. The iron 
mandates of the law, must and will be executed. It is fortu- 
nate that such a provision has l>een made. So long as it con- 
tinues, there will be at least a Wpe for the republic. It has in- 
deed been said, that it is inconsistent with the spirit of our gov- 
ernment, that any part or branch of it should be independent of 
the people. History, however, instructs us, that the people, 
as well as kings, are tyrants. Their passions must be curbed 
and their prejudices controlled. The fabric of jurisprudence*, 
is too delicate in all its parts, to be built by unskilful hands. 
And I hold him to be a dangerous counsellor in the affairs of 
this nation, who advises the people to take upon themselves, 
through their own immediate representatives, not only the en- 
actment, but the execution of the laws. Where is More? 

♦Montesquieu Esprit Des Loix, Tom. 1 hiv. 9. 



15 

Where is Raleigh? Nay, what is more than all, where is Straf- 
ford? Alas! they have all fallen the innocent victims of cor- 
x-uptand corrupting judges. The same historic page that re- 
cords the virtues and the misfortunes of Charles I., holds up for 
-4.he execration of posterity, the disgraceful insolence of that odi- 
t)us judicatory, by which he was condemned to death. "If,'' says 
one of our most distinguished jurists^ -'if we have read of the 
death of a Seneca, under the ferocity of a JSTero, we have read 
too of the murder of a Socrates, under the delusion of a repub- 
lic. A firm and independent branch of government, pro- 
tected and protecting by the laws, would have saved the one 
from the fury of a despot and snatched the other from the mad- 
ness of a people."' 

Asmen, both in their private and public capacities, are gov- 
-€rned entirely by self interest, it is fortunate that providence 
has made the different sections of this country so dependent up- 
on each other, that one main bond of union is to he found in the 
interests of internal commerce. When will the Western states 
allow the port of New Orleans to be occupied by a foreign 
power? Louisiana and the Floridas were purcJiased from 
Prance and Spain. Suppose that they should now become 
disaffected to the government, and should declare themselves 
•free and independent. There would then be no outlet for 
Western produce. The prosperity of the whole valley of the 
Mississippi, would depend upon tiic favor of a foreign govern- 
ment. That favor may be withdrawn at any time. It is a 
poor foundation upon which to build a nation's hopes. In 
peace and in war we should feel both the remote and the im- 
mediate effects of this state of things. If Louisiana should 
'think proper (and she would certainly have the right, and per- 
haps the power) to close the port of New-Orleans against us, 
and reserve to her own citizens the exclusive privilege of land 
ing and embarking goods there, the |)rice of our lands would 
fail, because there would be no market for the sale of our pro- 
duce. The streams of emigration, which like the waters of 
the fruitful Nile, at present irrigate and enrich our western 
wilds, would cease to flow. The pressure Avould be felt, first 
by the debtor, tht^n by the creditor, and afterwards by all the 
members of society. The Eastern stahs would feel a loss in 
tiicir navigation and in the jiroductions of the Western Coun- 
try, which formerly found a vent in their markets. The Sonth- 
ern states would feel uneasy, when they are liable to invasion 
from neighboring and independent states. Their condition is 
so exposed, their means of defence so inefficient that they 
wouid never consent to Uic erection of an adjoining state into 



16 

fin independent government. If we should obtain an enti'ance 
to the Atlantic by treaty, that treaty would be in continual dan- 
ger of violation, as was the case in 1802. What course then 
would remain for us to pursue, but to secure to ourselves that 
which is indispensable to our happiness. By the law of nature, 
by the law of nations, and by the equally imperative law of 
urgent public necessity, we would have a right to conquer 
Louisiana, and force her to accede to our claims, and, if abso- 
lutely necessary, to come back again into the union. The in- 
terests of the few must yield to the interests of the many. 
The rights of a single state must be sacrificed to the safety and 
security of the rest. These remarks apply to the other states 
as well as Louisiana. Their own interest, as well as the in- 
terests of the remaining states, would compel them to retrace 
their steps. They Avould have to return home, and with the 
feelings of tlie prodigal son, ask forgiveness of an offended 
paient. 

It may not be Improper here to take some notice of attempts 
which were made in the great struggle which preceded the po- 
litical revolution of 1801, to charge the state of Kentucky 
with the settled design of overturning the constitution and un- 
ion of the United States. This is a serious charge and one 
which ought not to be made, without satisfactory proof. It is 
a charge against the motives of the state, and the purity of 
one's motives cannot be so easily established as the integrity of 
his actions. Look, however, at the situation of Kentucky at 
that time. Were not her interests identified with the interests 
of the union? Did not her present condition and future pros- 
pects depend almost entirely upon the correct construction and 
proper execution of the powers granted by the constitution? 
Look at the public resolves; they breathe nothing but a spirit 
of sincere &- warm attachment to the union. The laws of which 
the people complained were of two sorts ; one which they admit- 
ted to be constitutional, but which they considered as impolitic; 
the other which they believed to be unconstitutional, and conse- 
quently void and of no force. The first were of course binding 
upon them, as they were passed by a majority of Congress; 
and even to the second or unconstitutional laws, which were 
dead letters upon Ihe statute book, they contemplated no op- 
position but an appeal to the real laws of the land. It may 
be said, however, that I forget the resolutions of '98. Those 
resolution? were penned by Mr. Jolferson, and were introduced 
into the legislature of lientucky by John Breckcniidge, an 
influential member from the county of Fayette. They do in- 
deed declare that the constitution is a compact, and that each 



17 

^tate acceded as a state, and is an integral party. It is true 
also, that in the report of '99 is found (he vveil known and 
much perverted term of Nullification. But in what did this 
^'rightful remedy" consist? In setting the laws and the decis- 
ions of the supreme court at defiance? No; it was nothing 
more than the entering against the alien and sedition laws, the 
solcrnn protest^ of the commonwealth of Kentucky, 

Equally unfounded^ and if possible, still more unjust arc the 
calumnies which have been propagated and the suspicions 
•which have been indulged against some of our elder sister 
states. From our infancy we have been taught to regard the 
Hartford convention as an assembly of traitors, plotting their 
infernal schemes against the peace and indcpciideiice of their 
native land. Tiie worthies of New Engl.md have been held 
up to us in the odious light of spies and emissaries. The mo- 
tives of that portion of the people have been strangely mis- 
construed, and their actions grossly misrepresented. But I 
trust that the days of our boyhood have pnssed, and that the 
spirit of prejudice will no longer prove superior to the spirit of 
truth. The great ordinance of '87, which secured to the 
North Western territory, perpetual freedom from slavery, was 
penned by Nathan Dane. Those rocky sliores and barren 
plains, upon which the puritan fathers first landed, still teem 
with worthy descendents of Pilgrims. The same respect 
for religions freedom and the rights of man — the same 
public spirit and devotion to the cause of learning, v/hich dis- 
tinguished the first settlers of New England, still exist in all 
their original spirit. That enterprize and energy and perse- 
verance which Mr. Burke in one of his unrivalled speeches 
so eloquently and so justly eulogises, still Nourish in the vigor 
of their youth and the strength of their manhood. In the 
same city where the first show of resistance was made to Brit- 
ish taxation, there is not a pulse that does not beat high at the 
name of this union. The same hall in which Hancock and 
Adams were accustomed to rouse the people to a knowledge of 
their rights and a sense of their wrongs, now resounds \\\{\\ 
the silver tones of Otis, and the deep solemn warnings of Web- 
ster. It maybe that the last flame will expire where the first 
spark was kindled. It may be that the spirit of '7G wiil breathe 
its last moments in the cradle where it= infancy was rocked. 
"I shall enter upon no encomiums upon Massachiisetts. She 
needs none. There she i? — behold her and judge for your- 
selves. There is her history, the world knows it by heart — 
the past at least is secure. There is Boston, and Concord and 
lioxington. and Bunker Hill, and there Ihev will remain fnre\ - 



18 

er. Thebonesof her sons falling in the great struggle for in- 
dependence, now lie nningled with the soil of every state from 
New England to Georgia, and there they will lie forever." 1 
speak not my own words. I quote the language of the great 
orator of New England; I quote the language of the uucon- 
quered champion of the union — of him whom you have seen 
disregarding the calls of interest and the mandates of party, 
and maintaining successfully, the great principles of con- 
stitutional freedom against the array of talents and the power 
of office — you understand, to be sure, that I speak of Daniel 
Webster. 

When experience has failed to give .wisdom, and age has 
come on without removing the folHes of youth — when the les- 
sons of time have not matured the promise of intellccl, nor the 
good example of otiiers corrected the vices of the heart, we re- 
gard with contempt the wretch whose prime has been wasted 
in the indulgence of his passions, and whose hairs have grown 
gray in the midst of debauchery. But when great abilities 
have uniformly been exerted in the cause of his country and 
splendid eloquence always-been heard in defence of the inno- 
cent and helpless, we cannot find terms to express our admira- 
tion and bestow upon the orator, the statesman and the patriot, 
all the virtues that can adorn and dignify the nature of man. 
For upwards of twenty years, Mr. VVebstcr has been engaged 
in the public service. The son of an intelligent farmer of N. 
Hampshire, he received a liberal education and imbibed in 
early life the republican principles of his father. At the bar 
Mr. Webster is unrivalled. In legal learning and weighty 
reasoning he has not his superior in this country, or perhaps 
any other country. He exhibits truth in a clear and simple 
light. His logic is pure and unsophisticated; his arguments 
solid and deep. Starting from premises which no one can de- 
ny, he leads us on, step by step to the conclusion, and although 
unwilling to be led, we cannot refuse to follow. In laying down 
the law or answering an antagonist upon some deep and intri- 
cate point, he reminds us of Richard Co-urde Lion, Avho, covered 
with his shield and concealed by his mask, is striking down with 
his ponderous battle-axe, the gates and outposts of the castle 
of Front de Beouf. Not graceful in his gestures, yet impress- 
ive in his manner, he is choice in the selection of his language, 
and powerful in the expression of his thoughts. Neglectful of 
his own private affairs, he is attentive to public business; care- 
less of his own money, he is yet a watchful guardian of the 
public treasury. Apparently stern and repulsive in his deport- 
ment, he is easy in his manners and extremely fond of the 



19 

spoils of the field. Though long engaged in the public ser- 
vice he is famiiliar both with the ancient and the modern class- 
es, and has studied the beauty as well as the strength of the Eng- 
lish language. His speeches and his writings prove him to be 
a scholar; yet he is not ostentatious of his learning. His 
knowledge is so incorporated with his own mind, that it is im- 
possible to distinguish his acquired from his natural talents. It 
is a mistake to suppose that Mr. Webster is destitute of ima- 
gination. His speeches do not indeed abound with figures. 
But does imagin-ation consist of figures, or even of rhvmes? 
Who can doubt but that Livy had as fine an imagination as 
Virgil or Ovid, and yet he never wrote a line of poetry. Mr. 
Webster has not indeed the gorgeous imagery of Burke, or the 
rhetorical diction of Canning. But he does possess the ear- 
nestness of Chatham, and the accuracy of Pitt. In Congress 
he is unsurpassed for that dignity and decorum which is so be- 
coming a senator. He takes no part in the petty skirmishes, 
but reserves himself for *^he pitched battles. He never commen- 
ces a personal assault upon his antagonist, but if he is once at- 
tacked, woe to him upon whose head he strikes with his pon- 
derous battle-axe! When the lion is once roused in his den, 
there is no one so able in debate or so powerl'ul in retort that 
does not tremble at the cutting sarcasm, and shrink before the 
withering glance of the senator from Massachusetts. The 
learning of Parsons and the eloquence of Dexter he has receiv- 
ed as his inheritance. He docs not surprise us with sudden 
llights of poetry, or dazzle us with unexpected bursts of pas- 
sion. In his oratory there is no tinsel, no declamation. It re- 
sembles a clear but deep stream, free from lipples, flowing 
slowly yet strongly over a bed of solid rock. His style is 
terse and concise; his sentences short, pithy, and fud of mean- 
ing. His thorough knowledge and correct interpretation of 
the constitution; the promptness, the abihty, and the successs 
with which he detected the fallacy of nullificatioh have placed 
him high in the estimation of his countrymen and in the first 
rank of American statesmen. He has indeed been charged 
with inconsistency, and his votes upon the tarilf have been re- 
ferred to as conclusive proof of the accusation. In 1824 he 
voted against the tariff because he was convinced of its inex- 
pediency, and was not satisfied of its constitutionality. The 
1)111 however passed and became the law of the land. Manufac- 
tures sprang up under its protection, and c^Tpital was diverted 
from its natural channels by its operations. In 1828 a new bill 
was proposed and Mr. Webster ijrged its adoption. Is there 
any inconsistency in this? It is a rule which every sinlosninn 



29 

ought to follow and which experience shews to he wise, that 
the policy of a country should be settled, and its laws seldom 
changed. Acting upon this principle, iMr. Webster did not 
think proper to set up his own private scruples against the law 
of the land, or to be instrumental in bringing ruin upon thou- 
sands who had engaged in manufactures whicli could not be 
carried on without a taritl. He preferred to give stability to 
the laws and character to the government, and to lollow the 
footsteps oflianiilton who, though at first opposed to the con- 
stitution, yet as soon as he perceived that a majority of the 
people and the interests of the country demanded iis adoption, 
became its most able and eloquent expounder. 

Among the many measures which would undoubtedly tend to 
the permanent interests and union of the states, none is so im^ 
portant or so desirable as the bill which was proposed, but un- 
fortunately not adopted, to divide the proceeds arising from the 
sale of the public lands among the several states according to 
their population. It is a measure founded upon just principles 
of public policy, and comprehensive views of public interest. 
The public lands were purchased by the blood and the treasu- 
ry of the whole confederacy. It is unjust that the proceeds a- 
rising from their sale should be confined to the states in which 
they may happen to lie. When these benefits shall be thus dis- 
tributed, we shall have another, and a very strong motive to 
union. They are benefits which will interest ever) man's feel- 
ings and come home to every man's door. So long as the pub- 
lic domain continues open and unfilled there will be a refuge 
for the poor and a home for the unfortunate. The emigrant 
bears with him the feelings and attachments which he has form- 
ed in his native land. The hardy pioneer recounts to his chil- 
dren the deeds of their fathers in another clime but not in an- 
other country. The son of New England is the same man a- 
midst his own rocky hills, and the high mountains of the West; 
the emigrant from Carolina changes not his character by set- 
tling on the banks of the Missouri. We all know the policy 
by which Rome made herself mistress of the world; but ours 
is a juster and more humane policy. We do not conquer na- 
tions fceblor than ourselves, and then drag them through the 
streets of our capitol, in all the pomp of triumph, and all the 
insolence of victory. We plant no dependent colonies; we 
hold at our nod no subservient allies. The wilderness is re- 
deemed from the savage, and lo! the desert smiles. In the 
midst of trackless forests, and on the banks of almost unnavi- 
gable rivers, cities and towns and villages spring up in a day. 
Impenetrable woods and deep morasses are changed into fruit- 



31 

I'ul fields and fertile meadows. On the ruins of the Indian's 
cabin, soon arise the splendid mansions of the rich; on the site- 
where once stood the Indian's wigwam soon is huilta great and 
populous city. Our territory has stretched farther and furtlier; 
our population has spread wider and wider, but we have not yet 
reached the Umits of our public domain. They appear to end 
when they only commence, and like the deceptive horizon, they 
recede as fast as we advance. Sixty years ago the spot upon 
which we now stand, was a perfect wilderness. A party of 
hunters who had penetrated thus far into the woods, hearing 
of the first battle that was fought in the Revolution, gave the 
name of Lexington to the place of their encampment. 7'his 
great and powerful state; these rich and cultivated tielus; this 
liberal and intelligent population; this beautiful city, and the 
coble public works which adorn and distinguish it; this lit- 
erary society, and the learned university of which it is a part 
— all bear striking and yet only partial proof to the progress 
and improvement of a little more than half a century. 

It is quite probable that the establishment of a National 
University would subserve the same purposes as the measure 
of which I have just been speaking. It was one of the plans 
which Napoleon conceived in the height of his power to insti- 
tute an academy where the young princes of Europe should 
be brought up in friendship and intimacy together. There can 
be no doubt that the friendships which are formed in youth 
frequently last during the whole of our lives. I'here can be 
no doubt that acquaintance seldom fails to beget kindness and 
esteem. When young men from the various states shall receive 
their education in a National university, they will get rid of 
their prejudices — will acquire a more liberal mode of think- 
ing, and will return home so many able and zealous advocates 
of our common union. It is painful to see the iniluence which 
geographical limits exercise over the conduct and feelings e- 
ven of our public men. It is painful to hear some of our a- 
blest statesmen declare that they vote for measures, not be- 
cause they will add to the prosperity of the country at large, 
but because they will promote the interests of their own im- 
mediate constituents. Men of talents and deserved distinc- 
tion are kept out of office and deprived of public estimation 
because they have had the misfortune to be born within a cer- 
tain slate or within certain boundaries. The most vulgar pre- 
judices are appealed to; the worst passions are called into 
piay; integrity is forced to yield to corruption, and the vile 
demagogue prevails over the able statesman. I wish that all 
our public men could conscientiously proclaim as their own. 



ihiU iiobio^^entiinent of a disUnguished senator, to whom I have 
already had occasion to allude. "When sir, i siiall be found, 
i:i my place here in liie senate, or elsewhere, to sneer at pub- 
lic merit, oecause it happens to spring up bejond the narrow 
limits of my own stnie or neighborhood; when I refuse for 
such cause, or for any cause, the homage due to American tal- 
ent, to elevated patriotism or sincere devotion to liberty and 
the coiJtitry; or if 1 see an uncommon endowment ol Heaven — 
if I sec cxUaordinary capacity and virtue in any son of the 
Soulli — and if moved by local prejudice or gangrened by 
stJ'.tc jealousy, I get up hereto abate the tithe of ahair,from 
liio just character and just fame, may my tongue cleave to the 
roof of my mouth.* 

I come now to a subject upon which there seems to be a 
morbid fervor in the public mind — I allude to the extinguish- 
ment of the national debt. To save a few dollars from the 
current expenses of the government and to add them to the 
sinking fund — seems to be considered as the chef cCccuxrc of 
statesmanship as a merit which cancels every other fault, and 
a virtue which redeems every other defect. It may be doubt- 
ed however wiiether the extinguishment of the public debt is 
an object to be desired at this time. I do not mean to say 
that a national debt is a national blessing. I do not deny that 
it is a tax upon the wealth and industry of the nation. But 
so far as it is a common bond of union — so far as it reminds us 
of the period in which it was contracted and the iiidepend- 
ence which it purchased — thus far I regaid it, not as a griev- 
ous burden, but as an advantage and beneht to the country. 

The many public works which are now in a state of pro- 
gress, or which have already been completed indicate that the 
time is not distant when there will be a federal system of ca- 
nals, rail roads and turnpikes, throughout this country. Such 
an event will give oneness to the contederacy. When the con- 
stitution was formed, the states seem to have been united like 
princes who are betrothed to their queens before they have 
seen them. But to the bonds of interest must be added those 
of intercourse and affection. The people of the United States 
are wanting in a spirit of nationality. Living under the more 
immediate "protection of the state governments, they are 
sectional in their sentiments — sectional in every thing they 
say, feel and do. But it is desirable that the states should form 
one body, and that when any part is injured, the whole shall 
feel and resent the injury. 7'Aey have increased in wealth and 
importai.ce, while the powers of the general government have 

*VVcbster's speeches. 



33 

remained the same. But would not the plane!? and tlic sad- 
lites ily from their orbits into the wilds of space, if their momen- 
tum were increased, and that of the sun diminished? Inter- 
nal improvements refine society and consequently improve the 
mi nds and moralsof individuals. The approjiimatio.'is of soci- 
ety are the nurseries of genius, and moral symi>ithy. Our 
nature is not so hard that the rcproaclies of others fall point- 
less from^its suffice. We cannot always find refuf^e from cen- 
sure in indiifbrence. No elevation however hig't, no inno- 
cence however spotless, no depravity however coiisunimate, can 
render man wholly iddependot of the praise or hlame of his 
fellow men. Societv is a vast audience before which we act, 
and to whose sentiments wo cannot be utterly insensible. It 
exercises a moral restraint, which amounts (o legal authority. 
It is the supreme' tribunal from whose decisions there i'* no 
appeal. 

Internal improvements are a direct means of popular educa- 
tion. They open a ready market to the producer, and yet di- 
minislif the price of all articles of consumption. They divide 
lands into smaller estates and do not allow riches to remain 
loTf^ in the same family. The monuments of art rouse the 
enthusiasm and interest the curiosilv of the observer. They 
m ike impressions on the mind, which seldom forsake it, and 
often excite the ambition of an author. Gibbon first conceiv- 
ed the idea of writing his history while sitting amidst the ruins 
of the capitol, and the young intellect of Alfred was kindled 
by the noble works which he was accustomed to contemplate. 
The cataract of Niagara is sublime; but in a chain of internal 
improvements there is a moral grandeur which must exercise a 
favorable effect upon American character. Such an exhibi- 
tion of science and skill exalts our opinion of human nature, 
and carries our thoughts to that Being who has endowed us 
with such superior powers. Who can conceive the scene whirh 
this country will present, when its various parts are connected 
by a chain of internal improvements. Tlie United Suites will 
then be one vast incorporate society. The people will ertjoy 
all the advantages of a city and yet be free fromuts corruption. 
Thev will be able to obtain subsistence f»v hoa^^st la bor, and 
not be driven l)y necessity to the commission of crime. W'hat 
progress will have been made in the noblest principles of true 
civili/ition! The fields of thought will be one boundless 
plain, and not divided into petty meadow?. TIumc will be a 
commuiuon of feeling, of sentiment, and of language. The 
rays of science which will dart from tlie capitals of learning, 
will light the whole continent. The efforts of genius will rir-e 



•J4 

with the glory that is lo ciown them, nncl eloquence grow in fer- 
vor with the vastness of the audience it addresses and the im- 
portance of the interests it defends. 

Few sentiments are more powerful in their operation upon 
the human heart, or more highly honorable to the human char- 
acter, than those of reverence for our forefathers and love for 
our posterity. Man does not live for himself only. Totally 
insulated and absorbed in himself, a? some would represent 
him, he has yet high and noble feelings, and can never be en- 
tirely enstranged from the past and the future — from those 
who have gone before, and those who are to come after him. 
It is these feelings, that elevate us in the scide of intellectual 
being. It is to these feelings, frequently more powerful than 
settled and ascertained interest, that the orator appeals when 
he wishes to rouse his countrymen to some great and noble ac- 
tion. It was this chord of the human heart that the barbarian 
chieftain touched with such thrilling effect, when driven to 
the uttermost parts of Britain, by the Roman invaders, he 
concludes his exhortation by this irrosislible appeal, P|?o?nt/c 
ituri m aciern el mnjores vestros et posteros cogitate. The voice 
of history in all its compass has not a note that does not answer 
in unison with these sentiments. The mind dwells with pleas- 
ure upon the interesting events of past times. The soul pants 
to rival the deeds which it loves to contemplate, and virtue de- 
rives fresh strength from the struggles and sufferings of the 
virtuous. Shall we then basely give up the prize for which 
our fathers contended? Shall it be said that the events of 
our history and the sufferings of our ancestors met with no sym- 
pathetic response from cold and heartless descendants? Who 
can tell the influence of a name, an event, a single word upon 
the fate of nations? When every othei hope is gone, I trust 
that the recollections of the past and the anticipations of the 
future, will keep this fast anchored government safe in its 
moorings. So long as this day continues to be celebrated, so 
long as the memory of Washington continues to live, there 
will yet be found in American hearts, a sanctuary for patriot- 
ism. Yes, when a lawless mob, blinded and hurried on by the 
most fiendish and furious passions and spreading fire and deso- 
lation through the crowded streets of a great metropolis, vio- 
lated the laws of man, and disregarded even the precepts of 
Heaven, a small picture of the father of his country seen 
through the burning walls and crackling roofs, stopped the enrag- 
ed populace in its course and accomplished whrtt reason and 
relic:;ion and law were unable to effect. The incident thril- 
led and electrified every heart,. The air was pierced by the 



3^ 

shrill shrieks of the countless m-iltitudej "The portrait of Washing- 
ton; oh! save it frotTi the flames!" 

Let this dav then continue to be set apart in our calendar as the 
holy (^ay of liberty. With peculiar propriety does it become us gen- 
tlemen to celebrate it as a national jubilee. Our society was found- 
ed by those who stood in the van of the revolution. Its very 
name is derived from that of the £;allant band who efleclcd 
our national independence. They had laid deep the roots of liberty 
in the East, and they came here to plant the tree of science in the 
West. 

Man looked in scorn, but Heavrn beheld and blest, 

Jt's l)ranchy slories spreadina: o'er the West, 

No summer gaude, the vvontier of a <lay, 

Born but to b'oom and then to fade away, 

A Giant t)ak, it lifts its lofty forin. 

Greens in the sun and strengthtns in the storm. 

The fate of this country must however depend at last tipnn the 
virtue and intelligence of the people. That virtue and that intelli- 
gence may be corrupted by the swarms of emigrants that yearly 
come over from the same Euro|)ean hive. We would not close the 
doors of our repuldic against the helpless foreigner who seeks the 
safety of his person and the enjoyment of his rights in this asylum 
of liberty. We would not drive him back to the frozen despotism 
Avhich chills all the nobler sentiments of the mind, and nil ihe finer 
feelings of the soul. We would rather meet him with outstretcherl 
arms and joyous countenances, as he lands upon the sea shore, down- 
cast and dejected. We would warm his heart and cheer his spirits 
with the unbounded prospect of happiness and n-^efulness that lies lie- 
fore him. We would bid him welcome to the transcendent sweets of 
civil liberty. We would bid him welcome to tlio enjoyment of every 
right both social and reli:rious. We would promise, in a short time 
to bestow upon him the highest privilege, and the noblest distinction 
that was ever enjoyed by a whole nation — that of being an American 
citizen. But while we refuse to monopolise, we cannot consent to 
prostitute our liberties. A foreign education and foreign attachments 
comport but in a slight degree w ith the nature and genius of our gov- 
ernment. Our elections are influenced and our insiitulions endanger- 
ed by this perennial influx of population. Union, lihofty, and moraii- 
ty, are one and inseparable. Truth and light are the acknowledged 
and only basis of national security. What prevjsnis the monarchies 
of Europe from becoming republics? Why has Enohnd strugalodso 
long, and I may add, so nnsuccessfidly for reform? Why is nf>t Erancf- 
freer at this time, than she was under the dynasty of the IJourbon?? 
Why is every generous attempt to jjive freedom to Ciermany reward- 
ed only with exile, contiscation, ;ind death? Why, in fine, is the despo- 
tism of Russia cfiextensive with her dominions? For no other reason 
than the poverty and ignorance of the lower classes of society. 
When men are scarcely idle to live, how can l hey hope to be lice? 
]f thev obtain any wciyht in the scales of |)\ddic nlliiirs, what cai> 
they be but instruments in the bands ot' aspiring and dangerous lurn! 
Fortunately for us.lho spirit of our laws ha< a icnf?cni-\- locro'ii'!' and 



^6 

fo preserve Ihroiighont (ho great mass of ftje people, a golden mcau. 
botwee i enormivis wealth and wretclied poverty. No lines of distinc- 
lioi) arc or can be drawti, hetxvean the diHereat ranks of society. 
There is iieiiher patriciaa pride or plebeian envy. In this country, 
wiiat man is poor? In this cyuntr}', what man can call himself rich? 
Fortuuatclv for us aUo, oar country is extensive, and we have no over- 
grown metropolis, which can acquire an undue prepondera ice in the 
political system, by gathering within its walls, all tliu tale. its at once, 
and corriiption of the land. Where did CiEsar rise and Tully liill? 
Who were the first to expel a whole parliament by force and raise a 
usnrpor to the throne? What ciiltivaied mind does, not repose with 
peculi-ir pleasure upon the fair, the happy, and the glorious states of 
Ilaiy? Bit alas! fjr the beanlifil cities and tlio polislu^d people! alas! 
for the wit u'ld the Icaraiic;! the genius and the love! Both the de- 
cline and the fill of the Italian states was owing almost entirely to 
the great supei iority of the towns over the country, Cypsar was obli- 
ged lodivert the rabble of thecapitol at the expencc of the provinces. 
The citizens of Madrid and Paris have more than once attacked the 
palaces of their sovereigns, a ad thesiltan has often been compelled to 
sacrifice a vizier to appease the populace'of Constantinople. 

Among the many vices incident to our government, none is so 
great or perhnps so incurable as the inaccuracy of legislation, and the 
liaste with which inexperienced youths are hurried into public afliiirs 
and public oUk'os. Th^ commoncsL laborer, the lowest mechanic 
never thinks of practising his art until he- has served his time as an 
apprentice. It seems however to be one of the doctrines of the pres- 
ent day, that men are born statesmen, and that it requires no skill, no 
])reparatory education to manage tlie intricate afFrirs, and take an im- 
portant part in the secret counsels of the government. The lawgiver 
is not expected to know the laws which have already been passed, nor 
the commentator to nndersland the text upon which he makes so many 
learned remarks. Sjch, however, were^not the sentiments of ancient 
Home. Far dificreiit were the opinions of those eminent statesmen 
and orators who successively arose in the course of her history, the 
ornaments of their own age, and the admiration of all posterity. 
Long was the course of education, and painful and laborious the stu- 
dies of young men, before they thought theroselves fit to defend 
their friends and clients, or take an active part in public afiairs, 
Vv hat science was unknown; what language unstudied; what art un- 
cultivated, and even what country unvisi'ed by Cicero, bef)re he ap- 
peared in the forum or on the rostrum? It is indeed (he common 
raiit of tiie times, that v.e desire no theorists, but need only practical 
luen. And V. ho and what is a practical man? Go into the halls of 

< 'ongress; is (here a member who never opens his mouth, or only to 

< \press an opinion which ho has received from others? He is a 
oractical man. Is there a representative who thinks that theproduc- 
tiiu of corn, and the manufacture of hemp are beneficial to the coun- 
Ti-v ? ffe is a practical man. Does any one profess to know by prac- 
tice wb.til can only be gained bv study, or reject all principles as iise- 

. s ;iih1 all tc!e;scc as contemptible? He is indeed a practical man 



27 

liut wiien blunder IS added to blunder. a;ui error heaped upon error; 
when' the fair fabric of the law is torn to pieces, its elegant symmetry 
destroyed and its noble proportions distorted — it is then only that we 
begin to perceive our mistake, or desire to retrace our steps. 

Suppose, however, that all the inducements to union which I have 
mentioned, prove ineffectual. Th«»t*people aFe^fiymly resolved in 
theircourse. They have weighed llie consequences and are prepared 
to meet them. The bonds which unite us must be dissolved, the ties 
which have joined us together must be broken asunder. But how is 
this to be effected? Are there no ditTiculties in the way? The pub- 
lic debt — how is that to be extinguished? Is it to be apportioned a- 
inong the several states? But in what manner apportioned? Wiien 
there are such dissimilar views as to the geueral pri.iciple of dischar- 
ging it, what rule of payment can be proposed that will give satis- 
faction to all? S'jme will be strenuous for having a settlement; oth- 
ers will fee! au indifference, and evon a repugnance to every thing of 
the kind. Some n-ill delay, and others clamor, and the country will be 
thus exposed to the dor.ble danger of foreign invasiou and civil conten- 
tions. The p'.;blic lands, how will they be divided? The states who 
through a spirit of compromi^?e, ceded immense tracts to the general 
government, will reclaim them when the motive of the grant has ceas- 
ed, l^he other states will contend for a division according to repre- 
sentation. Territorial disputes, the most fruitful source of public 
wars. Will exist in full force. The li.igants havi.ig no judge to decide 
between them, will appeal to arms and support their claims at the 
point of the bayonet. The navy. — B jt it is unnecessary to say more. 
It is appalling to think of the discordant, distracted, and belligerent 
condition of the states, when they shall be disunited. 

Peace shall go sleep with Turks nnd infidels, 

And in this seat of" peace, tiimulluotis wars 

Shall kin with kin, and kind with kind confound. 

Disorder, horror, fear, and mutiny. 

Shall here inhabit, and this land be called. 

The field of Golgotha and dead men's sculls. 

OI if you rear thi* hou=e against this house, 

It .vill the n-of'-illest rlivision prove. 

That ever fell upon this cursed earth : 

Prevent, resist it, let it not be so, 

Lest children's children, cry again^tj'i'U, woe! 
The mind turns in disgust from such a uniform scene of horror, dark- 
ness and dis(nay. It recoils from the wars, the bloodslicd, nay even the 
murders that shall then be perpetrated. It sickens at the sight of uni- 
versal inipotenoc, and universal crime. The brain turns dizzy in looking 
down such a deep and yavvninn precipice, and imagination pictures but 
cannot exnorgerale the horrors of the dark abyps below. 

But I have presented to you only tiic favorable side of the picture. 
That there is dantrer to this union, and that there are men who seek its 
ruin and would rejoice in its downfall, are facts too true and too alarming 
not to be perceived. But how long will such men continue to distract 
their unhappy country! How loufr will tliey continue to make the down- 
fall of the union, the only means of their own elevation! Awful indeed 
is iiis responsibility, who shall in the least degree be the cause ot a civil 
war. For when it is once commenced, when and where will it stop' 



The first blow that is struck will prove an entering we(li,'e that will split 
thie nation from one end to the other. 'i"he verv first dagger that is drawn 
■will open the sluires of American veins, and the land will flow in blood. 
Audirl cives acuisse f^.rrum 

C\0/^'^ ^f'"^ Juvenilis. 

But whatever course others may take, the line of our duty lies 
clear before us. Let us be true to ourselves. Let us remember that there 
is 8 tribunal to which we should not be inattentive — I mean posterity. 
Let us not forget, that according as we act our parts, the blessings or 
the nurses of unborn generations will be heaped upon us. Is there noth- 
ing noble, nothing useful in this union, that men will thus labor to bring 
about its destruction? Has it been to us a standing stagnant reservoir, 
spreading agues and distempers throughout the land? Or has it been a 
rich and copious stream of lasting benefits? It was built upon the broad 
basis of mutual concession, and by mutual concession only can it be pre- 
served. Let the North cease to meddle with the domestic concerns of 
the South; let the South bear a more tolerant and benignant spirit to- 
wards the North, and all will still be well. The union is indeed our com- 
mon mother. Let us regard her with filial aftecfion. Let no one ever re- 
proach us with filial ingratitude. 

We are surrounded by a cloud of witnesses. The whole civilized 
world has fixed its gaze upon us. We have a post to defend which we 
are not at liberty to desert. We act not for ourselves only, but for the 
great cause of constitutional liberty. The question is not merely wheth- 
er the American government shall stand, but whether the hopes of man- 
kind shall be destroyed. 1 know the uncertainty of human affairs. I 
know the transitory nature of all human governments. I need not be 
reminded that the people are fickle and always delighted with change. I 
Lave not passed by unheeded, the instructions of history. But I trust 
that the death of this govcirnment will be a natural and not a violent 
death. I trust that the day of its dissolution is yet far distant. I trust 
that it will come on neither in the bloom of youth nor in the strength of 
manhood, but in the decay and derre()itude of a good old age. ]t was 
the boast of Napoleon in the midst of his triumphs, and the height of his 
victoiies, thai he would go down to posterity with his code in his hand. 
It was the boast of Augustus, that he found IJome of brick, and left it 
marble. 1 et it be the bfjast of this country, that she found man enslaved 
and left him free; that she found liberty a name and left it a thing; that 
she found it a shadow and left it a substance. Cast not then your treas- 
ure into the ocean. Throw not your inheritance before the winds. 
Loosen nnt this last anchor of human hopes. Heal as often as thry are 
inflicted, the wounds of your bleeding country. Extingniph asoiten as 
they are kindled, the flames of civil dissension. May our eyes 
never behold the broken and dishonored fragnents of a once glorious un- 
ion. May our ears never hear the last shrieks of an agonized country 
struggling between nltirnate fits of raving and stupetat lion. Let thR 
broad stripes ci the Uni'ed Staffs still wave over every land, and float o- 
\er every sea. Let the banner of our cont'ec'eracy still be found in evory 
crock and r< rncr of the habitr.Lle globe, respected both by savage and 
by civiliz' d wian. Let rot a single t-tar full from its high eminence into 
obsrurity and night. Let our ('op?tellation still maintain the ascendant 
in the heavens, composed r.ot of fltctirg transient meteors, but of bright 
aT>d broad and brilliant luminaries, shedding light and heat on the oppress- 
ed sons of needom in every clime. 



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